I discovered many non-rights-cleared images that I now think may have detracted from the posts in some ways, even if they initially seemed to make them more attractive or striking.
After announcing the WP-RUBI Beta (0.91) a bit more than a week ago, I installed and began to work with it at this very blog, and I immediately began to notice that “workflow” improvements I had thought to save for a later day – or even reserve for a “premium” version – had to be considered “basic” to using the plug-in effectively. So, I began another week of fairly intensive work now represented in the Beta numbered 0.93. I could “re-up” or “re-announce,” but I’ll think I’ll save doing so for submission of “1.0” to the WordPress Plug-In Repo.
The enhancements include the following:
- Set and View Image Removal/Replacement Status from Post Edit and All Posts/Pages (Quick and Bulk Edit) Screens
- Category and Author Inclusion/Exclusion by Display Name instead of ID #
- Category Inclusion/Exclusion Includes “Child” Categories
- Option to Replace Images without Standard Image File Extensions (Mainly Served Images)
- Admin Convenience Improvements (Expandable Text Areas instead of Text Boxes, Additional Editing Instructions)
- Expanded Reset Options: Reset Main Settings and Post Settings Separately if Desired
In terms of actual workflow as I worked and flowed it, I think that the first and third above were the most significant (code samples at end): Read more ›
A primary use for WP-RUBI will be at sites where administrators have decided to remove images that have been used either without permission or under lapsed or lapsing usage licenses: Proper employment will help to reduce or eliminate legal and actual “exposure” quickly and easily, without harming the site’s search engine rankings and while preserving posts as originally composed, allowing for eventual restoration.
In recent years, with the maturation of the internet and especially of the blogosphere, sites that display photos and other images without concern for usage rights have come under enhanced scrutiny, sometimes resulting in costly lawsuits and always at least anxiety-producing threats of lawsuits. In addition, some site operators, especially as they have gotten more successful, have undergone a change in thinking about the underlying issue: the right of artists not to have their worked exploited without acknowledgment and, where appropriate, payment.
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Make room in the time capsule for the hard copy.
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Posted in Politics
, US History
Tagged with: Trump
So, we can sum up the crisis of the American conservative movement as follows: With less and less semblance of temperamental conservatism, ever more self-destructively, nominally conservative Americans have sought in vain to immanentize as eschaton the non-immanentization of eschaton. Having reacted to the realization of paradox on the level of the whole state or the level of highest abstraction, represented in politics as the national level or the level of collective conceptual self-integration – so, integration by disintegration – as eventually world-historical failure, they have, by re-doubling down on re-doubling down without limiting idea, at last produced the political-intellectual equivalent of a nuclear explosion, with their constituency or former constituency clustered at ground zero.
The absolute evil for politics as politics is the introduction of the question of absolute evil into politics, as the dissolution of politics. This rule is of the same form as the prejudice of philosophy against the entrance of prejudice into philosophy.
The Twitter default is for “cards” and “conversation” to display, but you can get rid of them either tweet by tweet or through a copy-paste-search-and-replace-re-copy-paste.
When you embed a tweet from its URL – for example, for this tweet from Justin Tiehen’s list of explanations for the rise of Donald Trump
…it will, by the magic of oEmbed, produce the following display in your WordPress page:
Tweet with “Conversation” and “Card”
Now, a lot of the time, this is totally superduper: You’re happy to include the replied-to tweet, and the part down below, with the image of Mr. Trump there linking to the original article (in a real tweet embed, not the screenshot version of it I’ve used above) is very nifty and even useful, and the nifty formatting is also nifty: Altogether just what your nifty users want.
What follows is a hacky way to grab naked tweets instead.
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Contrary to my tentative conclusions of a month ago, I now understand at least one good reason to use output-buffering while writing WordPress code. Indeed, I now anticipate using the tool frequently.
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Put more simply: The failure of the neocon project led to, as a practical matter seemed to require, the replacement of neo-imperialism with xenophobia in Republican conservative rhetoric. To those capable of setting aside their judgments of the American approach to the world, the psychology involved may resemble the familiar pattern of unrequited love. Those on the Left will be constitutionally predisposed to put the idea in almost any other way, and may also operate under the belief that they or their constituencies are immune to the syndrome.
Jonathan Chait’s new explanation for the rise of Donald Trump – or for the failure of analysts to predict it – is appealingly simple:
Here’s the factor I think everybody missed: The Republican Party turns out to be filled with idiots. Far more of them than anybody expected.
Chait concedes that to say as much is “gauche,” but stands by the argument to the end:
As low as my estimation of the intelligence of the Republican electorate may be, I did not think enough of them would be dumb enough to buy his act. And, yes, I do believe that to watch Donald Trump and see a qualified and plausible president, you probably have some kind of mental shortcoming. As many fellow Republicans have pointed out, Donald Trump is a con man. What I failed to realize — and, I believe, what so many others failed to realize, though they have reasons not to say so — is just how easily so many Republicans are duped.
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As for Trumpism vs. Bushism, one will be no less dependent on “populist nationalism” than the other, to whatever extent it is also successful: In a mass electoralist national system under popular sovereignty, the winner will always be the truest national populist, by definition, if not necessarily the purest one according to some external or merely intellectual standard.
What remains, then, is Trumpism. Which is also, in its lurching, sometimes insightful, often wicked way, a theory of what kind of party the Republicans should become, and one that a plurality of Republicans have now actually voted to embrace.
“The Defeat of True Conservatism”
The Republican coalition as an effectively neo-conservative coalition was able to bind itself together, or bind citizens to its project as constituents, in opposition to perceived external threats – militarism, fascism, communism, Islamism – that were mirror reverses of its precepts. For conservatives under the most politically effective articulation of their premises, American Idea and American Identity could be conjoined, with whichever war at whatever temperature serving to fuse otherwise contradictory ingredients, while melting away the rough edges of unresolved disagreements and irresolvable frustrations. Though the articulation is most readily identifiable as Reaganism, Reaganism can itself be seen, and is perhaps best understood, as a re-capitulation from the right both of and integrally within an inherited framework. Similarly, Reagan’s loyal progressive and so-called liberal adversaries could not stray too far from the same premises without losing their ability to compete and therefore to govern on the national level.
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I have had an essay on American Grand Strategy – working title: “Pacific War: Strategy and the World-Historical State” – on the back feedburner for going on a couple of years now – and I still feel it needs better grounding or precautionary backgrounding, or perhaps fortification, vs. recent writings on the general subject. I find myself with the same self-skeptical position on a more recent addition to the In Progress pile, “Si Vis Bellum,” which began as a short response to a blog comment on the unreliability and misuse of the terms “militarism” and “interventionism,” but which in the writing and re-writing turned into another mini-magnum opus attacking some of the same targets in somewhat the same way.
I may yet join the two together. Or: Maybe that should be my strategy. Specifically: Though I would not seek nor even contemplate an engagement with all the the best and brightest thinking from a vast and heterogeneous defense, history, international relations, and political science governmental, academic, and volunteer army of armies built up and extended over generations, or centuries, or millennia, I feel that I should at least be conversant on the main questions as discussed in recent non-specialist works. To that end, I added three books to my reading list: I recently finished Barry Posen’s Restraint (2014, a “defining treatise”), am currently reading Lawrence Freedman’s Strategy (2015, “magisterial”), and I have Hal Brands’ What Good Is Grand Strategy? (2015, “simply one of the best and most useful books on grand strategy”) to get to next and last. Read more ›
When I asked whether the prospect of this same kind of far-reaching spin campaign being run by a different administration is something that scares him, he admitted that it does. “I mean, I’d prefer a sober, reasoned public debate, after which members of Congress reflect and take a vote,” he said, shrugging. “But that’s impossible.”
Source: The Aspiring Novelist Who Became Obama’s Foreign-Policy Guru – The New York Times
[T]hese days American self-government is indistinguishable from self-incrimination. Our domestic policy is a nest of rent-seeking corruption, our social insurance system is an act of theft against posterity. And our foreign policy, described fairly, resembles the last weeks of a bloodthirsty crime family, led to its bitter end by demented octogenarians.
Source: Michael Brendan Dougherty: Trump vs. Clinton is a verdict on America
A self-serving moral judgment is always implicit in any political judgment, for the simple reason that a politics without morality would be the physics of randomly colliding human atoms, of no meaning to anyone, or not authentically political at all.
Ramesh Ponnuru (in “Hate Trump Voters? You’ve Got a Problem. “) attempts to draw a simultaneously moral and political distinction:
Living in a democracy often means thinking that millions of our fellow citizens are making a big mistake, and saying so. That doesn’t have to mean considering them our moral inferiors. To the extent my fellow anti-Trump conservatives are adopting that mindset, they are making a depressing political season even more so.
I think I understand what Ponnuru wants to encourage – forgiveness, empathy, balance, wise strategy, among other things – but on the central question I believe that he is wrong: Thinking that our fellow citizens are “making a big mistake” does and must mean considering them our moral inferiors, in relation to the particular matter if not others, and, when I say so, I cannot help but also imply or confirm that I believe that in this way, on this question, Ponnuru is my “moral inferior.”
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Posted in Politics
Tagged with: NeverTrump
(Note: See “Output-Buffering and Extensible WordPress Plug-Ins” for an update to the below that substantially revises my conclusions.)
I asked the following question at Stackoverflow today: “PHP output buffering: When/whether to use for different kinds of real existing sites and applications?”
So far, I’ve gotten one answer tending to confirm my general inclination not to use it for the kinds of scripts in which I’m interested.
The following is the full text of my “question”:
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“Demopathy” is a term used previously, as far as I can tell from a Google search, by a few anti-democratic (and highly illiberal) polemicists of seemingly no great note. I find it expressive for a larger tendency that interferes with the Republican Party’s ability to handle the Trump challenge, and to govern its own affairs and argue its own case consistently and coherently, yet at the same time may justify the existence of the Party as a vehicle for a conservative understanding of the American system.
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